STATEMENT BY H.E. MRS. HISAMI　KUROKOCHI

PRESIDENT OF THE CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT

Geneva, 3 March 1995

　

　

　 At the outset, allow me to express my appreciation to my predecessor, Ambassador Vattani of Italy, and all other delegations who have welcomed me so kindly into their midst and for the greetings extended to me. Having assumed my duties as Representative of Japan and President of the Conference only a short while ago, I am fully conscious of the challenges ahead of me. I am confident that my task will be made lighter in the knowledge that I can depend on the advice, cooperation and assistance of my predecessor, the incoming President, group coordinators and China, as well as all other delegations and the Secretariat.

　

　 As various speakers have pointed out repeatedly in this forum, 1995 is an important year. It marks, in particular, the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations and the 25th anniversary of the entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The 5th of March, which is the coming Sunday this year, is the day on which the NPT came into force 25 years ago. Hence in less than seven weeks from now, the parties to the treaty will meet to decide its future, namely whether the treaty shall continue in force indefinitely or be extended for an additional fixed period or periods. With the NPT Review and Extension Conference fast approaching, the attention of the international community is more and more focused on the work of this Conference on Disarmament. My predecessor, Ambassador Yoshitomo Tanaka stated in his farewell address to the Conference that he was proud to have been a part of the CD. For my part, I hope to be able to say that I have had good and productive four weeks when I hand over the presidency. Therefore, I pledge to my distinguished colleagues that I will do my best to discharge my challenging duties as President of the Conference with a view to achieving as much progress as possible in our work before the NPT Conference, and I hope to have constructive consultations with all delegations, especially through group coordinators, as well as with Ad Hoc Committee Chairmen and Special Coordinators to be appointed.

　

　 As the NPT is too important an issue to be passed by undiscussed, I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to state the Japanese view on this important treaty, in particular, why the Government of Japan decided to support the indefinite extension of the treaty, as was reaffirmed by Mr. Yohei Kono, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan at the UN General Assembly last September.

　

　 The vast majority of the world's States have become parties to the NPT. There are now 172 States Parties. The NPT is crucial to our collective security and supplies a series of irreplaceable benefits as follows :

　

　 First, the NPT enhances regional and global security.

Because of the NPT there is a legal basis for responses to the challenges to regional and global security posed by the violators of the treaty. There would have been no legal basis in the absence of the NPT for the actions of the Security Council when lraq's nuclear program came to light. Because the nuclear issue of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is heading for a solution, the security of Northeast Asia has been improved immeasurably. The practical and legal consequences of the NPT for national and regional security bear careful consideration.

　 Second, the NPT also sets out an agenda on behalf of global peace and security, in particular nuclear disarmament. The NPT is not a static arrangement. Article VI provides for a dynamic progress that seeks the ultimate eradication of the category of Nuclear Weapon States by the progressive elimination of nuclear weapons. Thereby, the NPT enshrines a principle of paramount importance -- all States Parties, including the Non-Nuclear Weapon States, are required to "pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament". In addition, Article VI sets out agenda for achievement by all States Parties of the ideal of "general and complete disarmament".

　 Because of the NPT's Article VI, meaningful negotiations toward a Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty are proceeding in this Conference on Disarmament. Similarly, efforts to begin negotiations on a Cut-Off treaty are in train here.

　 As a result of Ukraine's accession to the NPT, START I has entered into force, and the Russian Federation and the United States have commenced preparations for the ratification of START II.

　

　 Third, the NPT provides assurance of the peaceful nature of national nuclear programs.

These assurances are provided through Article III which underpins the safeguards procedures administered by the IAEA. Less than the fullscope safeguards do not provide the same measures of assurance. The NPT enshrines principles -- in this case with regard to the application of safeguards and mechanisms to ensure responsible behaviour --that add to the security of the international community.

　

　 Fourth, the NPT establishes a principle in favour of the transfer of nuclear materials and technologies. Article IV of the NPT establishes a principle that is of genuine benefit -- all countries are to gain from the peaceful applications of nuclear energy and technologies.

　

　 Fifth, the NPT reinforces Nuclear Weapon Free Zones. Article VII of the NPT provides another substantial benefit to States Parties -- it provides a legal under-pinning to the establishment of Nuclear Weapon Free Zones (NWFZ's). The norms of behaviour that NWFZ's establish are significantly reinforced by the norm against the proliferation of nuclear weapons generally that is established by the NPT. Article VII lends credibility to NWFZ's.

　

　 As mentioned above, without the NPT there would be no credible barrier to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Moreover, there would be no legal injunction favouring nuclear disarmament or for the other benefits the treaty supplies.

　 The significance of the NPT for the security of the international community is such that in the event that it should become no longer effective we would have no choice but to start its re-negotiation as soon as possible. It is highly doubtful that such negotiations would result in the full measure of the benefits that the NPT currently supplies.

　

　 For these reasons Japan decided to support the indefinite extension of the NPT.

　

　 Of course, the Government of Japan is determined to contribute to the promotion of nuclear disarmament to which the States Parties to the NPT have committed themselves.

　 In this context I recall that the Secretary-General of the United Nations stated in his message to the Conference delivered at the beginning of this year's session that "further progress in the reduction of strategic nuclear arsenals of the United States and the Russian Federation is no longer beyond the reach of reality. I believe that this will enable other nuclear weapon States to move forward the process of nuclear disarmament and make yet another contribution to the establishment of a safer world".

　

　 I should now like to share with you the Japanese views on the disarmament agenda items before us. With respect to a CTBT, my predecessor, as his last endeavour in the CD, urged the delegations to redouble their efforts to conclude the treaty as soon as possible. I simply endorse his statement and hope that further tangible progress will be made soon.

　

　 Japan also attaches importance to the commencement of the negotiations on a Cut-Off treaty. I look forward to hearing a heartening report from Ambassador Shannon of Canada.

　

　 With respect to the issue of Negative Security Assurances (NSA), I hope that the accomplishments in NSA and possibly also in PSA (Positive Security Assurances) will be achieved soon.

　

　 Arms control and disarmament in the field of conventional weapons is also important. As a first step towards fully addressing this issue, Japan took the initiative jointly with the European countries in establishing the UN Register of Conventional Arms. The Register has witnessed a promising start. Japan hopes that its participation will be widened steadily so as to promote confidence building on a global basis. Likewise we attach importance to discussing Transparency in Armaments (TIA) in the CD. Of course, the Japanese Delegation is ready to discuss with other delegations the issues relating to conventional weapons in general.

　 As regards the issue of prevention of arms race in outer space, we are willing to listen to the views of other delegations with a view to finding a way to proceed with this issue.

　

　 Last but not least, we should seek progress in the issues of the agenda and the expansion of the CD. Japan particularly attaches importance to an early realization of a substantial expansion of the Conference, in view, in particular, of the overdue aspirations of the applicants for the membership as well as their contributions to the work of the Conference.

　

　 Having said all these in my national capacity, I pledge myself to be as impartial and accommodating as possible as your President, and I am determined to do my best for the purpose of achieving our common objectives. I look forward to enjoying positive cooperation from all of you.